Devendra Fadnavis interview: ‘Meeting with Sharad Pawar did take place, but not at Adani’s residence’

Recently, Deputy Chief Minister and NCP leader Ajit Pawar had said that a meeting had taken place at industrialist Gautam Adani’s residence in 2019 to discuss power sharing between the BJP and the NCP. What had happened?

There was a meeting which took place. But it was not at Gautam Adani’s residence. Amit Shah, Sharad Pawar, Ajit Pawar, Praful Patel and I were present at the meeting. It took place in Delhi, at a neutral venue. That was the time when Uddhav Thackeray had decided that he would not join us. So, the meeting was held to bring the BJP and NCP together in power. I clearly remember, I had received a call from Sharad Pawar on November 11 (2019). In the meeting, Sharad Pawar had suggested the imposition of President’s Rule, so he would travel and advocate to the people for a stable government in Maharashtra. All the decisions were taken about who will be given which portfolio.

One of the things promised by the Congress in its manifesto is the caste census. What is your stance on it? How important is it in the Maharashtra election?

We have never opposed caste census. But our objection is that the caste census should not be weaponised. It should not be used to divide the people of Maharashtra on the basis of caste. It is our fear that the way the Congress has proposed the caste census, it can lead to the weaponisation of caste. This will affect the social fabric, and people might seek benefits on the basis of caste proportions.

The BJP has been speaking of “vote jihad” and “batoge toh katoge (divided we fall)”. Is it not divisive?

Please understand why we are speaking of this. “Vote jihad” was used by the Congress and the MVA during the Lok Sabha election. Politics is a battle. If someone attacks, you have to counter-attack. Banners are put on masjids saying if you don’t vote for someone, it will be deception with Allah. How is that secular? These religious pitches were used by them in the Lok Sabha election. And it had benefited them in Amravati, in Malegaon, in several other places.

Now, the Congress has accepted the demands put forth by the Ulemas. One of the demands is that the cases against all the Muslims accused in any riots between 2012 and 2024 should be taken back. This is the kind of pressure they are trying to build, and the MVA is accepting such demands. At such times, this is a natural reaction. We are not anti-Muslim, but we don’t like this minority appeasement and vote division. If they want to win the election on polarisation, we will not let that happen.

But your own alliance partners say Maharashtra will not accept “batenge toh katenge”. In fact, your party leaders Ashok Chavan and Pankaja Munde have also said so.

They may not have understood the true meaning of batoge toh katoge. Whenever the community is divided on the lines of caste, region, language, it has been conquered by foreign powers. We have to stay together.

There is speculation on whether the political combinations will change in Maharashtra after the election.

We will be able to come to power on our own strength. I don’t think we will need anyone else’s support.

What do you say about the criticism over financial stress, on the burden of debt, on the impact of Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana on the Treasury and the promise of increasing the allocation from ₹1,500 to ₹2,100 for women beneficiaries.

It is a myth that we are under the burden of debt. Maharashtra’s economy is worth ₹40 lakh crore. Our debt is ₹6.5 lakh crore. Uttar Pradesh has a similar amount of loan. But their economy is worth ₹25 lakh crore. One has to look at the proportion and not just the stand-alone numbers. If you consider the debt-GDP ratio, we are the best. And we have made an arrangement within the budget for Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana. When we come to power, we will make all the required arrangements for the increase in allocation from ₹1,500 to ₹2,100.